| N | F | E |

| De vrouw in de kampen | Discriminatie van de Palestijnen in Libanon (Engels) |

De vrouw in de kampen

De Palestijnse vrouw in de vluchtelingenkampen

Onderstaande tekst is geschreven door Mariam Sleiman, een 39 jarige Palestijnse. Zij leeft in het Rashedieh vluchtelingenkamp in Zuid Libanon. Als sociaal werkster is ze zeven dagen op zeven in het getouw om kinderen en jongeren een menswaardig bestaan helpen op te bouwen, ondanks de barre omstandigheden in het kamp.

De situatie van de Palestijnse vrouw is nauw verbonden met de politieke en sociale omstandigheden waarin de Palestijnse vluchtelingen in Libanon leven want zij maakt er deel van uit. Zij is een belangrijke factor in een samenleving die leeft in harde en tragische omstandigheden, verstoten van de basisbehoeften van het leven.

De Palestijnse vrouw behoort tot die vrouwen die uitblinken in kracht en moed, ondanks alle zorgen die haar omringen. Het doorzettingsvermogen van het Palestijnse volk ligt in het verlengde van haar doorzettingsvermogen en van de manier waarop zij haar bittere situatie aanpakt en de lasten van het leven draagt samen met de man. Zij is immers de zus, de moeder, de echtgenote en de gezellin in de strijd.

Het eerste obstakel waarmee het leven van de Palestijn in het algemeen en de Palestijnse vrouw in het bijzonder, geconfronteerd wordt, is de moeilijke levenssituatie in de kampen. Dit heeft natuurlijk een weerslag op het Palestijnse meisje. Bijvoorbeeld haar opleiding tot op een niveau brengen dat haar toelaat om voor zichzelf en voor wie haar nodig heeft te zorgen, leidt in talloze gevallen tot heel wat moeilijkheden. Veel moeders hebben hun man verloren (ten gevolge van de Libanese burgeroorlog in de jaren ’80 nvdr) en staan in de plaats van een vader aan het hoofd van de familie. Ze moeten hun kinderen alleen onderhouden en opvoeden terwijl zij zelf in oorsprong een meisje waren dat in harde, economisch slechte omstandigheden, verstoken van onderwijs, moest opgroeien.
Omdat het voor het hoofd van de familie moeilijk is om in onderwijs te voorzien voor al de kinderen, zien we dat de zoon soms voorgetrokken wordt op het meisje, in het bijzonder in het hoger, universitair onderwijs. Dit omdat de jongen er moet zijn voor zijn familie en hen moet onderhouden, volgens de gewoonten en gebruiken. Wegens het ontbreken van werkgelegenheid voor de vrouw in de kampen en in de samenleving rondom de kampen, lijdt zij, net als de man, onder de werkeloosheid.

Gebaseerd op wat ik hierboven gezegd heb, zien we dat de Palestijnse vrouw gebukt gaat onder uitputtend werk. Omdat zij niet de kans gekregen heeft te studeren, ziet ze zich gedwongen hard en vermoeiend werk te aanvaarden. Zo zie je haar werken in de landbouw, de industrie en in de fabrieken, als poetsvrouw in openbare instellingen zoals scholen, ziekenhuizen of andere diensten. Wat anderen als zeer laag werk zouden beschouwen, aanvaardt zij eervol omdat zij het doet voor wie haar nauw aan het hart ligt.
Voor de meisjes die toch de kans hadden om tot een middelmatig niveau op te klimmen, is er de verpleging, de naaiateliers, het borduur- of breiwerk. Voor de weinigen die het geluk hadden universitair onderwijs te kunnen beëindigen, is het dan weer helemaal ondenkbaar dat ze een gepast werk kunnen vinden. Zelfs de mannen ervaren hetzelfde probleem. Er is immers een schrijnende discriminatie tussen de rechten van de Palestijn en de rechten van de Libanees waardoor 72 beroepen voor de Palestijnen verboden zijn. Zijn er dan eigenlijk nog beroepen die overblijven, vraag ik me zo af.
Ondanks de zeer moeilijke omstandigheden waarin de Palestijnse vrouw leeft, heeft zij een bijzonder begrip voor liefde en voor het leven als dusdanig.
Het is de liefde van de moeder voor haar kind, die haar nachtenlang doet opblijven. Het is de liefde van de vader voor de leden van zijn familie, die hem dag en nacht hard doet werken voor hen. Het is de liefde van de kinderen voor hun ouders die hen gehoorzaam en respectvol laat zijn. Zo kunnen we ook zeggen dat het succesvolle huwelijk en het ontstaan van goede families te danken is aan de liefde van het meisje voor haar partner met wie zij het leven deelt en de vele zorgen draagt.
De Palestijnse vrouw heeft ook liefde voor haar vaderland en ze heeft er een spirituele band mee. Zij heeft haar echtgenoot, haar zoon en haar broer als martelaar gegeven aan de Palestijnse zaak en aan het vaderland. Ondanks al deze offers leeft ze niet in droefheid gevangen, maar zet ze haar leven dapper voort. Ze staat rechtop en komt op voor haar recht op een waardig bestaan en voor het recht op een eigen land.
Ze was en is nog steeds een strijdster eerste klas om haar rechten af te dwingen en om haar plichten voor haar familie en haar volk na te komen. De Palestijnse vrouw voelt de zwaarte van haar sociale, opvoedkundige en nationale verantwoordelijkheden scherp aan. Tegen alle obstakels in zoekt ze haar opgestapelde ervaring te gebruiken in de strijd om haar rechten en de rechten van het Palestijnse volk te verdedigen. Haar problemen zijn de problemen van haar volk, haar zorgen zijn ook de zorgen van haar volk. Haar rol is belangrijk en fundamenteel om de visie van de samenleving op de vrouw te veranderen. Palestijnse vrouwen bezitten de tegenwoordigheid van geest (het bewustzijn) en de kunde waardoor zij kunnen leven en zich aanpassen aan hun samenleving. Ze bezitten ook de kunst om samen te werken om veel te veranderen in de situatie van de vrouw en haar verdere bewustwording.

Zoals in elke samenleving, lijden enkele vrouwen onder de dominantie van de man. Maar dat heeft vooral te maken met de zwakte van de vrouw en haar onwetendheid. De oorzaak hiervoor ligt vooral in haar achtergrond en in haar tekort aan opvoeding. Ze lijdt soms onder het geweld van de man. Maar vaak onderneemt ze ook niets om haar rechten te verdedigen, ondanks het feit dat de burgerlijke en godsdienstige wetgeving aan haar zijde staat. Dit is te wijten aan haar zwakheid en haar vrees en omdat zij ervan overtuigd is dat ze de man nodig heeft. De Palestijnse vrouw lijdt soms ook onder het feit dat ze zeer vroeg in het huwelijk treedt, maar soms lijdt ze omdat ze pas heel laat in het huwelijk kan treden. Dit is een gevolg van de zeer moeilijke omstandigheden waarin het Palestijnse volk moet leven.

De dromen van de vrouwen zijn voor elk van hen een droom en een wens die ze liever vandaag dan morgen in vervulling zien gaan, zo niet vandaag, dan liefst zelfs zonder ook maar een moment te wachten. Wij Palestijnse vrouwen hebben ook onze eigen dromen en verwachtingen die, als god het belieft, niet zullen vervliegen als een zucht van de wind. Het voorwerp van hun dromen bevindt zich niet onbereikbaar op Mars maar ligt dicht bij de werkelijkheid. Dit is een gevoelig punt: haar dromen zijn de dromen van haar volk, namelijk dat de Libanese regering en de internationale gemeenschap ervoor zouden zorgen dat zij en haar volk een waardig bestaan zouden verkrijgen in een menswaardige maatschappij. De Palestijnse vrouw vraagt de internationale gemeenschap dat zij haar beslissingen (resolutie 194 van de Verenigde Naties die het recht op terugkeer geeft aan de Palestijnse vluchtelingen, nvdr) zou naleven en vooral dan die over het recht op terugkeer. Van de Libanese regering vraagt zij dat zij haar volk de burgerlijke rechten zou toekennen tot aan het moment van de terugkeer. Want op het ogenblik dat de problemen van het Palestijnse volk opgelost worden, worden de problemen van de Palestijnse vrouw opgelost. Zij droomt nu nog altijd de droom van haar grootvader en haar vader over de terugkeer naar het verloren vaderland. Daarbij hoopt de Palestijnse vrouw een rol te spelen in de Palestijnse politiek naast de man. Zij was en is nog steeds een partner in de revolutie, zij het in mindere mate dan de man.

Ondanks alle leed dat de verschillende lagen van het Palestijnse volk in Libanon treft, is de hoop en het geloof in de rechtvaardigheid van zijn zaak niet verdwenen. Daarom zien we dat de Palestijnse vrouw tegen de tijd en tegen de moeilijke maatschappelijke en politieke omstandigheden vecht om zich te handhaven en om de nationale identiteit van haar volk te verdedigen.
Ten slotte kan ik in de volgende bewoordingen een beschrijving geven van de Palestijnse vrouw. Zij is in de eerste plaats een moeder vervuld van liefde en leven, zij is een zuster die naast haar broer staat, zij is een dochter die werkt voor haar familie, zij is een echtgenote die het leven met haar man deelt en zij is een strijdster die haar rechten en de rechten van haar volk verdedigt.

Wil je Mariam steunen in haar strijd voor een betere toekomst dan kan dat. Rek.nr. Recht op terugkeer: 744-0147017-55 met vermelding Mariam, Rashedieh.

 

Persecution faced by Palestinian refugees in Lebanon

After 60 years of exile, Palestinians living in Lebanon continue to be explicitly and systematically deprived of their civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights and liberties.

 

Right of Return

Palestinians were forced to flee or were expelled from their homes and lands at the time of the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948 and again when Israel occupied the West Bank and Gaza Strip in 1967. Many of them took refuge in Lebanon, where they remain today, together with their descendents. There are today about 400,000 Palestinian refugees in Lebanon and the majority of them live in refugee camps run by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA). [1]

The Palestinians' right to return is clearly recognized and upheld in international law. However, over 50 years have already elapsed since the start of the Palestinian refugee problem and the right to return has yet to be realized. [2]

For the past 60 years, Palestinian refugees in Lebanon continue to live in horrific conditions inside refugee camps. Their right to return to the homes they fled in 1948 continues to be completely denied by Israel, in direct violation of the following international legal instruments:

 

·         UN General Assembly Resolution 194, re-affirmed over 110 times by the United Nations General Assembly since 1948;

·         UN General Assembly Resolution 3236 and 52/62;

·         The Universal Declaration of Human Rights;

·         The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights;

·         The International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, and;

·         The 4^th Geneva Convention.

 

The denial of this individual and inalienable right has led stateless Palestinian refugees into a life of misery in refugee camps throughout neighboring host countries. 

 

  Top

Violations of International Human Rights Conventions

 

The treatment of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon has been recognized to constitute a violation of a plethora of basic human rights. Amnesty International [3] reported in 2003 that the Lebanese treatment of stateless Palestinians is in violation of:

 

·         The International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights;

·         The International Covenant on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination;

·         The Convention on the Rights of the Child;

·         The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights;

·         The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, and;

·         The Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment.

Top

Systematic Discrimination

 

• Palestinians in Lebanon face systematic discrimination that jeopardizes their capacity to attain the essentials of a safe and healthy existence. Amnesty International has made the following unequivocal observations:

Discrimination levied against Palestinians in relation to the rights to own and inherit property and the right to work, creates conditions where Palestinians refugees cannot enjoy an adequate standard of living. […] The conditions that Palestinian refugees live in, including their lack of access to adequate housing, food and clothing, lead to a situation where Palestinian refugees do not enjoy the right to an adequate standard of living. [4]

 

• Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria have the largest Palestinian refugee populations. Those in Lebanon probably suffer the most out of these three communities. For them, the pain associated with the loss of their homes, the decades of exile in foreign countries is aggravated by a policy of systematic discrimination against them. [5]

 

• Lebanon is a country with a small population and very diverse ethnic and religious communities. It has suffered through a long civil war and severe sectarian tensions, to which the Palestinians were inextricably linked. The involvement of Palestinian factions in the civil war is cited as one of the main reasons why Palestinians are the victims of discrimination in Lebanon. This does not excuse the systematic discrimination against them or the violation of their fundamental human rights. [6]

  Top

Right to Employment & Abject Poverty

 

• Palestinians in Lebanon are de jure and de facto discriminated against in relation to other non-citizens with regards to the right to work and the right to social security. [7]

 

• The Lebanese government applies a policy of reciprocity of treatment when it comes to granting work permits; it will grant the right to work to foreign nationals to the extent that their state grants the right to Lebanese nationals. Palestinians are at a particular disadvantage in relation to other foreign nationals as they do not have a state that could provide reciprocal treatment to Lebanese nationals. [8]

 

• Palestinians face severe restrictions in their access to work and to opportunities to gain their living by work. Palestinian refugees are barred de jure from practicing several professions such as law, medicine, pharmacy, and journalism due to a requirement of possessing Lebanese citizenship or to having reciprocal treatment in the country of the foreign national wishing to practice this profession. [9]

 

• A Ministerial Decree issued on 15 December 1995 lists trades and vocations that are restricted to Lebanese nationals; this includes a non-exhaustive listing of dozens of trades and vocations restricted to Lebanese employees or employers. [10]

 

• Lebanese laws (resolution 621/1, decree 6812 of 1995, and decree 17561 of 1964) clearly restrict foreigners from working in over 70 professions in Lebanon.  Only 1% of the Palestinians in Lebanon manage to secure the mandatory work permit required by the Lebanese government, in order to benefit from regular jobs. [11]

 

• The majority of Palestinians are forced to work illegally, and in unskilled labor, mostly in manual, irregular and daily – either paid, or in petty commerce in the camps. The average individual income (44$) is a quarter of the Lebanese minimum wage (161$). [12]

 

• UNRWA has estimated that 60% of Palestinians in Lebanon live below the poverty line.  Other studies have indicated that proportions have risen to 80%, with 56% living in extreme poverty. [13]

 

• Very few Palestinians received work permits, and those who found work usually were directed into unskilled occupations. Palestinian incomes continued to decline. The law prohibits Palestinian refugees from working in 72 professions. [14]

 

• According to UNRWA, the hundreds of thousands of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon have the highest rate of people living in "abject poverty" of all the Palestinian refugee communities they serve. [15]

 

• The Popular Committee, an administrative committee representing different political factions in the 'Ayn al-Hilwah’ camp, Lebanon's largest Palestinian refugee camp, says that the rate of unemployment is 80%. It mainly attributes this to laws discriminating against Palestinian refugees in their ability to seek work. [16]

 Top

Right to Adequate Housing & Property

 

·         Palestinians in Lebanon are de jure and de facto discriminated against as compared with other non-citizens with regards to the rights to own and inherit property. [17]

 

·         Palestinians in Lebanon are restricted from rebuilding or redeveloping refugee camps due to government-imposed restrictions. [18]

 

·         Recent passing by Parliament of revisions to the law concerning ownership of property by foreigners, a new level of exclusion has been reached by forbidding "anyone who does not have citizenship in a recognized state" from owning property. Though not named explicitly, Palestinians are clearly meant by this roundabout phrasing. Those Palestinians who already own property, moreover, will not be able to pass on their homes to their children. [19]

 

·         Palestinian refugees do not have the right to own property in the country. Palestinians no longer may purchase property and those who owned property prior to 2001 will be prohibited from passing it on to their children. [20]

 

·         The law does not explicitly target Palestinian refugees, but bars those who are not "bearer[s] of nationality of a recognized state" from owning property; in practice, this means only the Palestinians. [21]

 

·         The number of Palestinians in Lebanon has tripled due to demographic growth and Palestinians returning from the Gulf States (especially Kuwait, during the Gulf War).  Because of unemployment and restricted access to work, most Palestinians have no choice but to live in concentrated areas such as the refugee camps. [22]

 

·         No new camps have been allowed since the war of 1975/76 when three camps in Lebanese Forces-dominated areas were overrun; existing camp boundaries are non-expandable; building inside most camps is restricted; and repairs as well as building new structures have been forbidden in all the Southern camps since 1991. [23]

 

·        Most Palestinian refugees lived in overpopulated camps that suffered repeated heavy damage as a result of fighting during the civil war, during the Israeli invasion of the country, and during on-going camp feuds. The Government generally prohibited the construction of permanent structures in the camps on the grounds that such construction encouraged the notion of permanent refugee settlement in the country. [24]

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

·        Camp space is insufficient, and environmental conditions – lack of electricity, over-crowding, polluted water, sewage-seepage – are hazardous to the health of its inhabitants. [26]

 

·         Public construction schemes threaten several camps with complete or partial demolition. [27]

 

·     The department for Palestinian Affairs in Lebanon acknowledges that some 200,000 Palestinian refugees live in camps that are capable of holding up to 50,000. [28]

  Top

 

Freedom of Expression & Political Rights

 

• Freedom of expression is conditioned on the presence of Lebanese security forces and the Syrian army, who control exits and entrances of most camps.  Many Palestinians have been arrested and transferred to either prisons in Lebanon or Syria.

 

• For fear of reprisals, Palestinians are afraid to express their opinions, not only due to the controls of Syrian and Lebanese security, but also due to the different rivaling political factions within the same camps. [29]

 

• Palestinian refugees have no political rights. An estimated 17 Palestinian factions operate in Lebanon, generally organized around prominent individuals. Most Palestinians live in refugee camps controlled by one or more factions. The leaders of the refugees are not elected, nor are there any democratically organized institutions in the camps. [30]

 

• Palestinian refugees were subject to arrest, detention, and harassment by state security forces, Syrian forces, and rival Palestinians. For example, Palestinian refugees living in camps are not allowed to bring in construction material to repair damaged houses. Lebanese security services use this as leverage to recruit informers and buy their allegiance. [31]

 

• Palestinian groups in refugee camps maintain a separate, arbitrary system of justice for other Palestinians. Members of the various Palestinian groups that control the camps tortured and detained their Palestinian rivals. [32]

 

• In the Palestinian camp of Ayn al Hilweh assassination of opponents is more common than their arrest. [33]

 

• Many armed political factions compete for control of the camps and factional fighting is a common feature of life in some of the camps. [34]

  Top

Freedom of Association

 

• Under Lebanese law, all associations and NGOs must be registered by Lebanese Citizens, thus, Palestinians are not permitted to organize and form associations, unless through a Lebanese citizen.

 

• Where authorities discover that the associations are not Lebanese, they are forced to cease activities. [35]

 

Freedom of Movement

 

• Those waiting to go in and out of the camps may be subject to identity checks by the Lebanese or Syrian army.

 

• On 22^nd September, 1995, the Lebanese authorities forbade Palestinians (mainly working in Gulf States) outside Lebanon to re-enter without a re-entry visa; at the same time their embassy would not issue any new travel documents, without pre-authorization of the Ministry of the Interior.  Because of these restrictions many Palestinians working in the Gulf States who were expelled by these countries after the Gulf War were unable to return to either country.  Many others did not want to risk leaving Lebanon, for fear of not being permitted re-entry to see their families.

 

• In 1999 the Lebanese government cancelled the requirement for entry/exit visas.  However, as the majority of Palestinians were affected after the Gulf War, they were compelled to seek asylum elsewhere.

 

• Palestinians are forbidden from living in the areas near the frontiers, where they can only go with prior authorization. [36]

 

• Some of the Palestinian refugee camps in the south of Lebanon might easily be mistaken for military zones. The camps are isolated from the outside world by fences and are guarded by Lebanese soldiers that control and vet access to and exit from the camps. [37]

  Top

Right to Education

 

• Although Palestinians are entitled to the same education as Lebanese, when Lebanese schools and universities enroll their students, they give priority to Lebanese candidates.  Moreover, private education is unaffordable to most Palestinians.  According to the Department of Palestinian Affairs, around 20% of the Palestinian refugees have had access to Lebanese education. [38]

 

• UNRWA provides education in 75 schools (70 primary and 5 secondary).  UNRWA education is free, and attended by approximately 39000 students.  42% of UNRWA schools in Lebanon were built in the 1950s and 1960s, and today are in a state of disrepair.  Moreover, the number of schools does not match the growing population, resulting in a system of double shifts, where classes are taught to one group in the morning and another in the afternoon.  In each small classroom there are around 40 students. [39]

 

• Because of overcrowding, students graduate from elementary school automatically, to free up space for new students.  Failure rates are around 40-50%, which also reflects the poor teaching they receive, due to the fact that salaries for teachers are extremely poor, while hours are long. [40]

 

• Because living conditions are so poor, many young people give up school to work illegally, in order to secure income for their families.  Others use drugs, crime or join politico-religious factions to gain income. [41]

 

• Palestinian children reportedly were forced to leave school at an early age to help earn income. The U.N. estimated that 18 percent of street children in the country were Palestinian. [42]

  Top

 

Right to Healthcare

 

• In Lebanon, public hospitals are largely insufficient, and the majority of the population relies on private hospitals, which cost too much for most Palestinians.  UNRWA provides medical services in 24 private general hospitals, and one maternity and child care center.  Basic services are offered only in the areas of maternity, child care, family planning and control of infectious and non-infectious disease. [43]

 

• Due to high levels of demand, UNRWA doctors have had to see from 150-200 patients per day, and therefore cannot provide quality services. [44]

 

• UNRWA is barely able to meet the basic needs of the Palestinian population; partial reimbursement (25% of the cost of hospital treatment) is one of the coping mechanisms, which has resulted in cases of Palestinians who have not been able to leave hospitals because they cannot pay the costs of their stay. [45]

 

• Due to increasing populations and decreasing funds, UNRWA has had to restrict its services, included suspending subsidies for certain emergency treatments and medical staff, and reducing medical equipment and maintenance. [46]

 Top

Right to Social Security

 

• Palestinians in Lebanon are de jure and de facto discriminated against in relation to other non-citizens with regards to the right to work and the right to social security; [47]

 

• The Lebanese law on social security (26/09/63) relating to foreigners, states that only foreigners who hold a work permit and are from a State which applies the principal of reciprocity may claim social security.  As a result, Palestinian workers are excluded, even when they have a work permit, as they cannot meet the principal of reciprocity criteria because they are Stateless. [48]

 

Lack of UNRWA funding

 

• United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA), Amnesty International and the Palestinian Human Rights Organization have recognized that, as a result of this systematic discrimination, Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon are almost entirely dependent on UNRWA for basic services.

 

• UNRWA is, however, unable to provide these services, due to budget constraints. In their 2003 report to the UN General Assembly, UNRWA describes the situation succinctly:

 

209. Demand for food aid and cash for food assistance continued to rise as legal restrictions on employment of Palestine refugees in Lebanon remained in force and prevailing socio-economic conditions limited income-earning opportunities for refugees. [49]

 

• Since 1994, UNRWA has been facing serious budget shortages which have affected the quality and scope of the services it renders. [50]
   

 Top

Statelessness: No United Nations Protection or any other form of protection

 

• Palestinian Refugees are the only refugees in the world to exist solely under the mandate of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) and therefore outside the realm of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in their host countries. The consequence of this fact is one many do not comprehend.  The Palestinian Refugees become sidelined and marginalized, without hope for any form of protection.

 

• For over 50 years, [Palestinian refugees] have been excluded from the international system for the protection of refugees. [51]

 

• The lack of adequate assistance is only one of the failures of the international community towards Palestinian refugees living in UNRWA's area of operation. Unlike other refugees, they are not protected by the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees or the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Both the 1951 Convention and the Statute of UNHCR exclude Palestinian refugees from international protection.  Ironically, like the Lebanese law barring [Palestinian refugees] from owning property in Lebanon, the Convention and the Statute do not explicitly exclude Palestinian refugees; rather, they exclude anyone who receives assistance from other organs of the United Nations. Here again, Palestinian refugees find themselves singled out. [52]

 

• Thus, because of their unique situation, Palestinian refugees in Lebanon have been denied virtually every available means of securing their basic rights:

 

The exceptional condition of Palestinian statelessness and Palestinian dispersal extends itself to all political, economic, social and humanitarian spheres. UNRWA's mandate does not provide protection for Palestinian refugees nor can they appeal to the assistance of UNHCR whose mandate specifically exempts them from its protection. This aberration is particularly significant, not only for refugees living under Israeli occupation in the West Bank and Gaza, but also for those Palestinian refugees who are temporary residents in various countries, mainly Lebanon, Syria and Jordan (1). Thus, UNRWA's operations in these countries, the refugees' legal status and their rights are subject to host government policies without recourse to international agreements delineating refugee rights. [53]

 

  Top 

 

No Improvement in Sight

 

• Harsh discriminatory practices by the Lebanese government and the incapacity of lack of UNRWA to fulfill its mandate have driven Palestinian refugees into a situation characterized by abject poverty, isolation, and persecution. [54]

 

• This deplorable situation is also highly unlikely to improve in the foreseeable future.  Sherifa Sherfie noted that as recently as…

 

…the 18th of April 2003, during the meeting of the newly formed Lebanese cabinet, President Lahoud stressed that Lebanon will not back down on its insistence that Israel complies with the right of return of the Palestinian refugees, and that it (Lebanon) rejects any plans for their resettlement in Lebanon (tawteen)…At present, any resettlement (tawteen) of Palestinian refugees is forbidden by the Lebanese Constitution. [55]

 

This attitude is reflective of the official Lebanese government position that Lebanon cannot and therefore will not accommodate Palestinian refugees.

 

 Top